This post is number forty-six in a historical series
discussing Mississippi’s Whig/Republican governor and senator, James Alcorn,
following the War Between the States and continues the “saga” resulting from
the Democratic victory over the Republican “reconstruction” constitution framed
during the Black & Tan Convention in the winter/spring of 1868. That
Republican defeat resulted in a second election, the story of which continues
below. For earlier posts in this Alcorn-driven series, I refer the reader to
the sidebar on the right.
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After his nomination by the Conservative Republicans
(National Union Republican Party) and his subsequent acceptance as its
gubernatorial candidate, Louis Dent returned to Mississippi in early September.
Recall that he had been living in the state prior to his brother-in-law’s (Ulysses
Simpson Grant’s) moving into the White House, at which point Dent was invited to
join the president and Julia (Dent’s sister). On the 14th of September, the
Clarion published the schedule of his speaking engagements, forty
odd, starting in Corinth on the 18th and ending on the 30th of September, after
which, Dent informed Alcorn, he would be available for “discussion,” this in response to an
invitation for debate extended by Alcorn.
Louis Dent and James Alcorn held their first such face-off at
Grenada in early October, and the
Clarion
declared Dent the winner. This assessment was supported by kudos published in
the
Aberdeen Examiner who saw in Dent
an “eloquent debater and orator for the Conservative cause.” James Garner (
Reconstruction in Mississippi), my
source for the newspaper analysis, however, maintained that Judge Dent, whose
main oratorical weapon was a subtle and deep sarcasm, was no match for the
experienced Alcorn, whose booming oratory had been finely honed in the
stump-style politicking of the South of that day. The topics for Dent’s biting
invective were Alcorn’s
role in the secession crisis
back in ’61 and his subsequent war record—no battles, no wounds, and no taking
the enemy capitol.
Well, we saw Alcorn’s war record in the
early part of this long series (follow the links for the fourth through seventh posts listed on the right under Alcorn Series for more information). No,
he never found martial glory, but not for want of asking for the opportunity,
and he was there for the Confederacy in a support role and
served in Mississippi’s Confederate legislature despite his undermining criticisms of the war effort
(which was going badly). At the same time, of course, he was ensuring his own
survival to “fight” again another day by wheeling and dealing (selling) cotton
to Yankee entrepreneurs along the river in the dark of night (Okay, that’s my
synopsis, but it
was done illegally
and in violation of Confederate law, and Alcorn did get quite wealthy off the
trade). Those “lucrative” investments at the time were now funding his present
day “fight” for control of the state.
Dent spent a good part of the debate trying to convince
people his “whole soul was enlisted in the great agricultural and commercial
interests of Mississippi, and their resuscitation and development” as a
bona fide citizen of the state. George
Alcorn (James’ cousin) and clerk at the probate court in Coahoma County where
Dent
leased “abandoned” property, had circulated a letter that Dent was not on the tax rolls for that county.
Alcorn kept his focus on the
gloomy condition of the state
under the last four years of Democratic leadership.
Now, any
reasonable person might argue that war and Reconstruction would account for
that. Of course, Alcorn blamed the war on the Democrats and its loss on Jeff
Davis’ policies/grand strategy. Understand that for the four years following
the end of the war, Mississippi and the entire South needed an infusion of
capital. Not only had the reconstruction contemporary Americans readily assume
to be part of U.S. policy after having pounded the stuffing out of a foreign
nation not occurred (and never would), the Southern states had been forced,
under Federal bayonets, to contend with costly constitutional conventions,
welfare for a huge vagrant population created by an invading army in an
unwarranted war, and other self-aggrandizing expenses a hate-filled occupier
imposed on a taxpayer it had managed to disfranchise. Their lands devastated,
their populations decimated, and their labor force disbursed and living off the
largesse of the American taxpayer, including Southern ones, Mississippi and her
sister states did not have a means of generating income, and they were being
raped by an unconstitutional Congress and an ancillary weak administration,
under the Radicals’ thumb, imbued with a self-serving zeal to make the South
Northern. A better analogy for the treatment of the South after the War Between
the States for those of you familiar with history would be Rome to Carthage
rather than the United States to Germany and Japan following World War II.
These conditions Alcorn blamed on Democratic intransigence
in the face of Republican (Party) expectations for the South in the “new”
democracy the Radicals were creating. In the mind of the exigency-driven,
would-have-been-tyrant Alcorn, the Radicals and the North had a right to demand
these things and create a new nation under the rules of war and conquest. For
sure, unwarranted and unconstitutional as it may have been, there are not many
things more effective than beating the stew out of someone, then telling him
how things are gonna be from now on, especially after the Northern populace
sanctioned the changes. Alcorn was advocating acquiescence to the destruction
of the Founder’s Republic, and the principles of that Republic were critical to
the South’s survival and always had been; that’s why she seceded.
Personally, I think Alcorn viewed acquiescence to the party
in power as temporary. In
tandem with Alcorn’s detesting Democratic principles and stubbornness, he believed that once Mississippi
submitted to the Radical plan for Reconstruction, she would get her
representation back in Congress and from that source get her long-awaited share
of Federal money.
Alcorn, the Whig, had wanted
Mississippi to receive her share of that money for decades, a point he made when
accepting the gubernatorial nomination at the Radical convention.
The campaign apparently was a colorful one. Supposedly there
was a threat from the Klan, but more in theory than actual fact. Keep in mind
that the Klan was composed of, and led by, Democrats and many nominal Democrats
were, by this time, leaning toward the
“progressive” or New Departure persuasion and weren’t gonna muck with the
candidates—now, that’s just my opinion. There is some rumor that the Democratic leadership had lost control
of its military wing, but I think those uncontrolled elements are more the
result of Republican hype and propaganda. Truth was leadership of the political
and military wings was probably the same. What
wouldn’t have been under their control were independent groups
whose so-called atrocities were readily attributed to the Klan, whether Klan or
not. My point is that Alcorn did assume some risk by running on the Radical
ticket. One might consider that Dent, running on much
the same platform, would have shared those risks from those same
fringe groups. Perhaps he did. If history says, I haven’t found it. Amelia,
Alcorn’s wife, tried to dissuade her husband from running as did his friend
J.F.H. Claiborne. The opportunity Alcorn had waited a lifetime for—one he’d
spent time and money finagling into being—and
they’re asking him to sit it out? Not a
chance.
Alcorn proved up to the perceived challenge. During a
campaign address in Ripley, Mississippi, he nearly came to blows with a local
politician, who Alcorn dubbed a liar (them’s fightin’ words back in those days,
folks), and as the audience scrambled for the door and windows, Alcorn called
them back and told them there was nothing to fear because his opponent was a “drunken
cowardly vagabond.” Okay, that incident is recorded in a letter to Amelia, so one
might speculate “Dandy Jim” embellished it some. In Aberdeen, he allayed the
fears of his audience when, on hearing the cocking of pistols near the rostrum,
he pulled a six-shooter from his satchel and challenged the would-be assassins
to face him like men. Then, in an address to a mostly Negro audience at a
railroad platform in Winona, when what has been described as “several of the
more desperate whites” planned to kill Alcorn “with a rifle,” (implying distance from the platform, you think?), conservative
Democrats prevented their carrying out the plan. I don’t know if that “prevention”
occurred on scene or off or if it’s even valid or just another delicious rumor
embellished to add excitement to the campaign.
Dent, a non-Mississippian and
abandoned by his brother-in-law, Grant, whose endorsement the Conservatives hoped might sway the
people of Mississippi, left the state
after the joint debates, not even sticking around for the election results. Of course, his presence up to that point was probably nothing more than the fullfilment of a commitment—that’s based on my assumption his brother-in-law had informed him privately the fix was already in, and he was not to be elected.
But here’s something regarding the undercurrents of this volatile period: Alcorn readily attributes the poor
economic condition of the state following Presidential Reconstruction to
“Democratic” intransigence following defeat, the direct result being the state’s
remaining outside the safety of the Union. But there’s more to the story of the Democrats not using the name
Democratic Party because they were in disgrace.
A more accurate reason for this fusion party using the sobriquet
Democratic-Conservative or simply Conservative Party was because the ascendant
leadership
in the vast majority of all those Southern legislatures elected as far back as 1865 and 1866—the
same ones that wrote the new state constitutions under the provincial
governments set up by President Johnson, the ones who rightly resisted passage of the
unconstitutional 14th and 15th amendments, the ones who enacted the
infamous Black Codes—was not composed of Democrats.
The bulk of the leadership in those Conservative parties were Old-line Whigs.
They had been who the people had turned to with the defeat of the
Confederacy. In the case of Mississippi, these old Whigs, for the first time
ever, were at the top of the food chain. Alcorn was an Old-line Whig. Yes, they needed the Democratic polity, hence the annotated name, but
they were the ones in charge. This would further account for the
growing fissure between the Democratic-Conservatives and Old-line Democrats (Bourbons) within the “Democratic-Conservative” Party. Just as important, Old-line Whigs dominated the leadership of
the Scalawags who were,
despite appearances, opposed to the Radicals. It had been 140 “local men of
affairs,” all reputedly Whigs, who wrote the address asking the people of the
state to vote for Louis Dent. Now, that particular group of solicitors was
probably composed of both Democratic-Conservative Whigs and National Union Republican Whigs
(Scalawags). The
Whigs, be they of the Democratic-Conservative or Scalawag persuasion, are a
whole different study and a very important one, and as soon as I’ve put Alcorn
in the state-house in this series, I’m gonna take a detour and attempt to sort them out.
Next time, military governor and commander of the Fourth
Military District Adelbert Ames’ extensive efforts to ensure a “fair” election.
Thanks for reading.
Charlsie